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Chapter XXII.
EFFECT OF WHITE
IMMIGRATION.
Coming of the Whites--General Wane and the
Shastas--Divisions of the Shastas--Their Chiefs--Rogue River
Indians--Applegate John--Limpy, George and their Bands--Table Rock
Band--Sam and Joe--Census of Indians--Diminution of the
Indians--Reflection on their Condition--Sentiment of the
Whites--Discussion on the Causes of the Wars.
The events narrated in the last chapter mainly occurred prior to
the settlement of Southern Oregon, which we may conveniently date
from the spring of 1851. We now come to consider occurrences which
took place during the following years, when the country was being
rapidly peopled, in consequence partly of the discovery of gold,
placers in the Rogue river country, and where a state of feverish
excitement existed, consequent upon the rapid growth of population
and other serious causes. It was in the spring of 1851 that these
gold discoveries took place whose repeated occurrence attracted
thousands to these valleys. The news of the first "find" drew other
prospectors who, advancing into the previously untrodden wilds,
speedily found other rich deposits, and so within a few short
months it was learned that the precious metal existed on the banks
of innumerable streams draining extensive regions. At the same time
numerous discoveries were being made in Northern California, and a
constant succession of travelers passed north and south on the way
to the Sacramento and Shasta valleys, or homeward to the Willamette
with a filled purse, or perhaps with defeated hopes and an empty
pocket. The mines about Yreka were being worked, and a busy swarm
of men, estimated by some at above 2,000, were digging for gold.
Adventurous prospectors had spread themselves over a vast region,
and toward every point of the compass. All the affluents of the
Sacramento, Shasta, Trinity, Scott, Pit, Rogue and Umpqua were
infested by busy men with pick and pan, and the auriferous wealth
of the country speedily became known. In June of 1850, Dollarhide
and party discovered the Scott river placers, but abandoned them
from fear of the Indians and from other causes. Soon after came
Scott and party who made additional discoveries, the news of which
was speedily circulated, bringing many miners to the spot. General
Joseph Lane arrived on the headwaters of the river in February,
1851, and set about gold digging in company with his own party of
Oregonians. By the tacit consent of whites and natives alike (but
as some have said by the intercession of [end page 189] Chief Tolo)
the general became a sort of mediator in their differences; and
kept both parties in harmony throughout his stay on the river. The
Indians of that vicinity, belonging to the Shasta tribe, were very
numerous, but were divided into several bands. They occupied Shasta
and Scott valleys, and the banks of the Klamath river adjacent.
They had been separated from the Rogue Rivers only recently, owing
to the death of their principal chief. There is no doubt that these
two tribes were one and undivided previously, but now they were
broken up and formed several communities, each with its own chief.
At Yreka old Tolo was chief, an always firm friend and ally of the
whites; in Scott valley Tyee John, a son of the deceased head
chief, was supreme; in Shasta valley, Tyee Jim; on the Klamath,
Tyee Bill; on the Siskiyou mountains and about the head of the
Applegate, Tipsu (commonly called Tipsie) Tyee (bearded or hairy
chief). On Rogue river were gathered the Indians who bore that
name, numbering, according to the best evidence, about 600 souls.
They were broken up into tribal communities of greater or less
importance, and, as before remarked, all owed a quasi allegiance to
Joe and Sam, chiefs of the Table Rock band, the main division of
the tribe. On Applegate creek dwelt Chief John, a redoubtable
warrior who properly fills more space in history than any other
Oregon Indian, excepting, perliaps, Kam-ai-a-kun, the celebrated
warrior of the Yakimas, and Peo-peo-mux-mux, the great chief of the
Walla Wallas. John's clan, the Ech-ka-taw-a, was numerically small;
not more than fifty braves followed him to war, but these, under
such a leader, more than made up for lack of numbers, by courage,
strategy, and indomitable perseverance. We shall have much to say
of this wily and sagacious chief, when treating of the events of
the war of 1855-56. Another prominent Indian was Limpy,--so called
by the whites--who was of the Haw-quo-e-hav-took, a rather more
numerous band, dwelling in the region drained by the Illinois
river. His character was well known to the Whites, by reason of his
taking part in hostilities against them on all possible occasions.
The acts of Limpy and John have become in a great measure
confounded in most people's recollections, and to the Illinois
Indians are attributed many acts and exploits of which the blame or
credit should be given to the Applegate band. George, another and
less prominent sub-chief, dwelt upon the Rogue river below Vannoy's
ferry. His people united on occasion with those of Limpy, and
together made up an active and dangerous force.
In the vicinity of Table Rock dwelt the sub-tribe of Indians
previously alluded to as the band of Sam and Joe, which will be
further referred to under the name of the Table Rock band. Their
home was upon the banks of the Rogue river, and in the midst of a
pleasant country, fruitful in game, roots, seeds and acorns, while
in the river, at the proper season, salmon swarmed by the thousand.
They derived in easy and abundant living from the advantageous
surroundings and were the dominant band of the tribe. Their number
probably reached at one time 500 souls; but in addition quite a
number of Indians of other tribes were settled within the valley
and through some consideration of Indian polity, gave their
adhesion to the Table Rock chiefs and were in effect a part of
their people. This band was ever regarded with jealousy by the
whites until their removal to a distant reservation in 1856; but
with little cause, as will be shown in the following pages. We
shall have occasion to set forth the comparative superiority of
this particular band and of their chiefs in matters of civility,
[end page 190] good faith, and regard for their engagements. The
people of Jackson county still have lively memories of many of
these Indians, particularly of the two chiefs. They tell that the
twain were tall and stately men, Sam somewhat portly, the other of
a more slender build, but alike in having massive heads and
relatively intellectual foreheads. In the late years of their stay
at Table Rock they dressed in "Boston" style, wearing tall hats,
etc. Their manners were said not to be inferior to those of the
ordinary miner or farmer. These comparatively intelligent and
teachable Indians wielded a giant influence among the surrounding
tribes at a time when the utmost revengeful feelings had been
excited against the whites. The Indian name of Joe was
Aps-er-ka-ha, as is discovered on perusing the text of the Table
Rock treaty of 1853, and from the same source we learn that Sam's
name was To-gun-he-a; and a less important chief named by the
whites Jim, was in Too-too-tenni (the Rogue River language) called
Ana-cha-ara. As the before-mentioned chiefs were the most prominent
actors on the part of the Indians in the ensuing wars, further
mention of them is deferred to its appropriate place.
In 1854 a census was taken of the entire inhabitants of the
upper portion of Rogue river valley, from which the following
figures are extracted. The Indians were in this enumeration divided
into two classes--those who accepted the provisions of the Lane
treaty of 1853, and the outside or nonreservation Indians. Of the
former the Table Rock band numbered seventy-six persons; John's
band, fifty-three; the combined people of George and Limpy,
eighty-one; making a total of 307 Indians of both sexes and all
ages, gathered upon the reservation at Table Rock. Of these, 108
were men. The non-treaty Indians comprised Elijah's band of
ninety-four; the "Old Applegates" (probably Tepsu Tyee's people),
numbering thirty-nine; Taylor's band and the Indians of
Jump-off-Joe creek, sixty strong; and forty-seven remaining on the
Illinois river; total, 240; of whom seventy-two were men. Thus the
total Indian population of the upper portion of the Rogue river
country was 547--a number that will seem disproportionately small
to those who are in any degree familiar with the history of their
actions. To this estimate Agent Culver added twenty-five per cent,
as representing the number of alien or foreign Indians who might be
found at any time with or near the bands named. There is reason to
believe that the stranger Indians at times exceeded this large
estimate, especially in time of hostilities.
The best evidence exists to show that the Indian population of
the valley suffered very serious diminution between the years 1854
and 1855. What the extent of this decrease was, or how long its
causes had been in operation is not ascertainable. It is a very
common expression with the earlier white settlers that the Indians
were much more numerous at first. Agent Culver remarked that the
loss to the "treaty Indians" collected at Table Rock reservation,
amounted during the first twelve months to not less than
one-fourth of their whole number. Among the several strong bands of
Indians resident in the Grave creek, Wolf creek and Jump-off-Joe
region, the mortality was still greater; and those intractable
bands, dangerous enemies of the whites (they spoke the Umpqua
language but were not of that blood), were nearly blotted out of
existence.
This theory of the diminution of the Indians will help to
explain the apparently monstrous exaggerations of those who first
battled with the Rogue Rivers--an [end page 191] exaggeration
inexplicable on any other hypothesis. Thus, Major Kearney, writing
to his superior officers concerning an engagement, professes to
have been opposed by from 300 to 500 Indians. Many such statements
might be adduced, which with the above theory are mutually
supporting, though they do not rest on the same class of evidence
by any means.
The position in which these Indians found themselves at the era
of the rapid influx of white men was anomalous. They were suddenly
surrounded by a white population largely exceeding their own
numbers, engaged in the pursuit of gold. Nor was this white
population of a character to enable the Indians to remain in quiet.
Ordinary observation speaks loudly to the contrary. Says J. Ross
Browne, "The earliest comers were a wild, reckless and daring race
of men, trappers and hunters, whose intercourse with the Indians
was not calculated to afford them a high opinion of Americans as a
people." These remarks were intended to apply to the travelers who
came prior to the discovery of gold. With a slight modification
they will apply perfectly to a very large number of subsequent
arrivals. Concerning the character of the general white population
in 1851-6, nothing need be said. Men of all ranks in life and of
all conceivable characters, were there. There is no occasion to go
into raptures over the generosity, magnanimity and bravery of the
better sort, nor to enter upon a long description of the vices of
the worse. Good men were there and bad. The same vicious qualities
which characterized the ruffian in more settled communities marked
his career in this, except that circumstances may have given him a
better chance here to display himself. "A majority of white persons
came to the country with kind feelings for the Indians and not
wishing to injure them; but there also came many having opposite
sentiments." This sentence sets forth the condition of affairs as
forcibly as if it were expanded into a volume. A portion were ready
to do the Indian harm, and circumstances never could have been more
favorable to their malice. Law and justice were not; and whenever
and wherever a white man's lust or love of violence led him then
and there an outrage was perpetrated. Public sentiment to-day
admits the truth of the strongest general charges of this nature;
and the venerable pioneer tottering perhaps on the edge of the
grave says sadly--"The Indians suffered many a grievous wrong at
our hands; unmentionable wrongs, they were, of which no man shall
ever bear more." Because these Indians were poor, because they were
ignorant, and because they were aliens, society frowned on them,
justice ignored them, the United States government neglected to
protect them and they were left a prey to the worst passions of the
worst of men. To again quote, "Miscreants, regardless of sex or
age, slaughter poor, weak, defenceless Indians with impunity. There
are no means for agents to prevent it or punish it. There are many
well-disposed persons, but they are silent through fear or some
other cause," etc. These are the words of Joel Palmer,
superintendent of Indian affairs for Oregon. In continuation of the
subject, J. L. Parrish, Indian agent. at Port Orford, said: "Many
of the Indians have been killed merely on suspicion that they would
rise and avenge their own wrongs, or for petty threats that have
been made against lawless white men for debauching their women; and
I believe in no single instance have the Indians been aggressors."
The Oregon Statesman, of September 27, 1853, contained this
language, which is all the more striking as being published at a
time when to utter a word in favor of the Indians was to court [end
page 192] unpopularity: "Some of the whites are reckless and
imprudent men, who expected passive submission from the natives
under any treatment, while the latter have never had any correct
idea of the policy of our government in relation to their race, and
consequently regard all whites as lawless intruders endeavoring to
despoil them."
It is useless to multiply incidents and quotations with the
single view of showing the immediate cause of the Indian wars.
Those who wish to investigate more fully the subject of outrages by
whites on Indians will do well to consult the various governmental
reports of the superintendent of Indian affairs, and other like
publications; but let it be taken for granted at once that the
newspapers will afford no evidence of the kind sought. Nor should
the evidence of the regular army or other government officers be
accepted as conclusive. There is as much of prejudice and downright
untruthfulness in certain official reports on the conduct of the
Indian wars of Southern Oregon as could well be found in any
newspaper. We behold, at the close of the final hostilities with
the Indians (war of 1855-6), the inglorious spectacle of a renowned
general engaged in a wordy and abusively personal contest with
certain civilians, respecting the comparative merit of the regulars
and the volunteers in bringing the war to a close. This unseemly
quarrel between General Wool and the citizens of Oregon and
Washington territories hinged upon the very least of all the
results of those memorable months of fighting, yet these wordy
hostilities continued throughout many years, and their echoes are
hardly yet died away. To burden history with grave discussions of
such matters is not at all the intention of the present writer; and
those who would inform themselves upon the subject matter of the
Wool-Curry-Stevens dispute, should seek it in the files of the
newspapers of the date of 1856 and subsequently.
To subserve some hidden political or pecuniary purpose, the
legislature of Oregon once procured the publication of a list of
persons murdered by Indians prior to 1858. That this list was
inaccurate, incomplete and unreliable, did not affect the purpose
of its publication. It probably assisted in carrying the measure as
intended, and thus far was of use. But that publication has done
more to create unjust and erroneous impressions regarding the
Indian wars than aught else. All the newspaper pathos concerning
the blood of our slaughtered friends, all the speeches of
demagogues trying to make political capital by playing upon men's
vanity, never could have appealed to the feelings as does that
simple list, containing, without circumstance, the names of perhaps
200 persons killed within the boundaries of Oregon. It is a pity
that for purposes of comparison we have not a similar list giving
the names of Indians who, have been murdered by white men. The
total would be at least convincing.
Returning to our subject of the immediate causes of the wars, we
find ourselves under the necessity of quoting from the words of
General Sam Houston: "The outbreaks of Indians are always preceded
by greater outrages on the part of the whites." There was a very
peculiar yet probably common class of outrages inflicted on the
Indians that seem more particularly to illustrate the words of the
venerable speaker. These outrages were upon women; and although we
cannot suppose that the savage heart was capable of feeling all the
severe emotions which under such circumstances would agitate the
breast of a white man so wronged in the person of his wife, still
there is no reason to doubt the gravity of such a matter to them.
It may well be taken for granted that such outrages were of not
uncommon occurrence. The debauchery of [end page 193] the Indian
women was an accompanying circumstance, and doubtless the two
nearly identical facts had an important bearing on the relation of
the races.
The scheme upon which the writer will endeavor to arrange the
evidence bearing on this topic divides such evidence into--first,
that bearing upon the tone of public sentiment during the years of
hostilities; second, the remarkable change in public opinion during
the subsequent years; third, the opinions of intelligent and
reliable living actors in the wars; fourth, contemporary evidence
contained in newspapers, manuscripts, etc.; fifth, the unjust
terrorism of opponents of the war. The ordinary, or what may be
termed the patriotic, view of the cause, remote and immediate, of
the, war, rests upon opinion only, and presents no stronger grounds
than--first, the public consension of opinion of the Indian
character; second, traditions concerning the facts of the war; and
third, one-sided newspaper reports.
Having suggested the most important immediate causes of the war,
let us imagine that these causes have produced their inevitable
effects, and that open hostilities exist. In such a case it is
manifest that the ignoble causes would sink from sight, while
public attention would become engrossed by the more important
actual condition of affairs; and practical measures rather than
theoretical speculation would be the order of tile day. The varying
feelings of all white inhabitants would become merged in a desire
to speedily conquer, and possibly to exterminate their enemies.
These would be the inevitable results, and we might expect those
who previously had been the most conservative and sympathetic to
manifest the greatest vigor and enthusiasm on attacking the
savages. The population then, we have abundant reason for saying,
would become unanimous upon the breaking out of an Indian war.
There would have existed a constant though indefinite dread of
Indian retaliation among nearly all classes, and this feeling would
have assumed a more serious import to men of family and to those
who inhabited exposed places. By degrees this wearing annoyance
would have become intensified, and the habit of expecting evil
would have become, in the less steadfast minds, actually
insupportable. The feeling then, we are assured, would have merged
into one of deadly hostility towards Indians in general. It is
difficult for us, in the calmness of every-day life, to conceive
the feverish intensity of excitement to which man may be wrought,
when the animal energies of his nature converge to a point, and the
buoyancy of strength and courage reciprocates the influences of
anxiety and solicitude. We shall see the bearing of these remarks
in treating of the beginning of the war of 1855-6, where they apply
with distinguished force to the noted Lupton case. Thus we may
believe it was less the actual Indian outrages that inspired the
whites to violence than the soul-harrowing expectation of them. In
corroboration of these views we find S. H. Culver, Indian agent at
Table Rock, expressing himself as follows: "The feeling of
hostility displayed by both parties would be almost impossible to
realize except by personal observation. Worthy men of standing
entertained sentiments of bitter hostility entirely at variance
with their general disposition."
The consideration of the causes of an Indian war divides itself
naturally, as has been inferred, into two parts, namely: The
immediate cause or causes, and the remote cause. Of the two, the
latter is, from its generality, incomparably the more interesting
and important, but its discussion leads ultimately to a train of
philosophical speculations not in consonance with ordinary
conceptions of history, and of interest to a very [end page 194]
slight proportion of readers. The student of American history,
casting his eyes upon the records of settlement of this land,
observes the multifarious accounts of Indian wars, and remarking
their similarity in cause and effect, instinctively assigns them to
a single primary cause, sufficiently comprehensive and effective to
have produced them. It would be unphilosophical to ascribe the
cause of these innumerable yet similar wars to the isolated acts of
individuals, although we may credit the latter with their immediate
production. The primary cause, says one, is the progress of
civilization, to which the Indians are normally opposed. As
otherwise stated, the cause is the result of immigration and
settlement, which are also in opposition to the wish of the
Indians. Another authority states it thus: "The encroachments of a
superior upon an inferior race." These three propositions appear to
set forth three different consequences of a universal truth, but by
no means the primary truth itself. Probably the fundamental reason
could be found in race differences, or still more likely in some
psychological principle akin to that by which men are led to
inflict death by preference upon the wilder animals, manifesting
less hostility as species prove more tameable. Races are
antagonized th[r]ough mere facial differences; and probably the
principle, however it should be stated, enters into the actions and
prejudices of even the most civilized and tolerant nations to an
unsuspected extent.
Finally, if we sum up the opinions brought out by close study of
all the phases of the question as to the origin of the war, it
seems an unavoidable result of the analogy of, the various Indian
wars, that hostilities in Southern Oregon were unavoidable under
any circumstances attainable at the time, inasmuch as there existed
no Quaker colony headed by a William Penn, to peacefully and wisely
uphold law and order. Second, the immediate causes of the wars were
due to the bad conduct of both parties, but were chiefly caused by
the injudicious and unjust acts of reckless or lawless and
treacherous white men. After a careful examination of the following
pages, the unprejudiced reader will probably acknowledge that these
conclusions are stated in singularly moderate and dispassionate
language. [end page 195]
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